Abstract
The Pashtuns and their identity have been misrepresented over the past decades. These people are represented as ferocious, uncivilized, and anarchistic. Such falsification ruined the otherwise old set of principles of Pashtun people known as Pashtunwali. This study aims to discuss the ideas of Pashtunwali in Marcus Luttrell's Lone Survivor through the theory of cultural studies by Stuart Hall. Pashtunwali, otherwise called Pakhtunwali or the Pashtun code of conduct, is a conventional moral code and lifestyle followed by the Pashtun people for centuries. Marcus Luttrell experiences the working of Pashtunwali in his stay at an Afghan village Sabray, while hiding from the Taliban. Through this autobiographical narrative, the researcher will analyze how the concept of Pashtunwali governs the lives of Pashtun people. It will give a counterargument to the otherwise popular argument of the misrepresentations of Pashtun culture.
Key Words
Lone Survivor, Pashtunwali, Cultural Studies, Pashtuns, Afghanistan
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Marcus Luttrell's book Lone Survivor which was written in 2004, recounts the life of an American SEAL, stands for (sea, air, and land). The book depicts the genuine encounters of the American warriors, remembering their fruitless mission in the mountains of Afghanistan known as Operation Redwing, in which the Taliban killed each individual from Marcus' SEAL team, except him, because he was saved by some local Pashtun villagers of Sabray from Taliban. These Pashtuns stuck to an old set of principles, the Pashtunwali, otherwise called Pakhtunwali that traces all the way back to 2000 years. Hall, 2000 underlined how important cultural context is in deciding the significance, understanding, and perception of cultural practices, images, and portrayals. He argues that meaning is made and haggled through social and cultural connections, as opposed to being natural in cultural relics. Acquiring knowledge of cultural practices requires thinking about the authentic and social legacy of that society's lifestyle. This postulation subsequently endeavors to research Pashtunwali about Marcus Luttrell's book Lone Survivor, involving the British philosopher Stuart Hall's hypothesis of cultural studies as a theoretical framework.
Background
The historical and cultural foundation of the Pashtun people is simply the customary moral code of the Pashtun public. Even though it is challenging to pinpoint Pashtunwali's precise starting points, it has been created over hundreds of years and has been handed down through the ages to posterity. The history of the Pashtun public reaches back millennia. They are believed to have fallen from a few old-fashioned ethnic groups of people, like Indo-Aryans and ancient Iranian clans. The region that incorporates present-day Pakistan (Western-East areas) and Afghanistan is home to the Pashtuns. Previously, the Pashtun people have dwelled in tribal networks that have areas of strength for character, identity, and freedom. The Pashtun clans worked under their own standard legitimate and social designs and were organized by familial ties. Inside these ancestral designs, a bunch of standard practices and principles known as Pashtunwali arose to direct the way of behaving of the people in both communities and individuals. The development of Pashtunwali was molded by the mixing of Islamic teachings and values: equity, honor, and hospitality, with the prior ancestral traditions of the Pashtun public.
Pashtunwali's verifiable congruity and conservation are principally because of its oral transmission from one generation to another. Oral customs, like folktales, sayings, and get-togethers, were utilized to communicate the qualities, accounts, and social standards associated with Pashtunwali. Collaborations with various realms and provincial powers have formed the Pashtun public and their lifestyle, including Pashtunwali. Empires like the Mauryan Empire, the Persian Empire, and multiple Islamic dynasties have all existed in the locale. At the end of the 19th and 20th centuries, British colonial rule over Pashtun regions impacted Pashtun's political and social designs. The cutting-edge world has changed so rapidly that Pashtunwali has changed understanding and application, regardless of whether a few parts of it are as yet to be replaced. According to Benson and Siddiqui (2014), Pashtunwali is in every aspect of Pashtuns' lives, from the day they were born to the day of their death, while also for dispute resolution, decision making, and other important obligations of life. “It is recognized throughout the Pashtun tribes . [and] there are a number of rules that apply throughout the Pashtun tribes.” (p. 112)
US Navy SEAL Marcus Luttrell, a former soldier, rose to popularity in the wake of participating in Operation Red Wings and distributing his self-portrayal book, Lone Survivor. Marcus Luttrell was born in Houston, Texas, on November 7, 1975. In 1999 he joined the US Navy after successfully completing his training known as Basic Underwater Demolition/SEAL (BUD/S). In 2005 he was sent on a mission to Afghanistan as a part of Team SEAL 10.
His autobiography (Co-authored with Patrick Robinson) known as Lone Survivor: The Eyewitness Account of Operation Redwing and the Lost Heroes of SEAL Team 10, was published in 2007. The book shed light on Luttrell's experiences as a Navy SEAL, the horror events of Operation Red Wings, the deaths of his partners, and his frightening endurance story of survival. Following its prosperity as a hit, the autobiographical book was made into the 2013 movie Lone Survivor. Under Peter Berg's direction, Mark Wahlberg played Marcus Luttrell in the movie. Luttrell has remained active in the Navy in many operations after the release of Lone Survivor. He has given addresses at public social affairs, partook in media appearances, and included discussions of flexibility, nationalism, and military obligation. Some of his other books include Service: A Navy SEAL at War and The Patriot's Creed: Inspiration and Advice for Living a Heroic Life.
Stuart Hall's work on culture is as yet important, and he made significant commitments to the subject of cultural studies. Hall underlined what portrayal means for how we see culture. He kept up with those social portrayals, like media texts, which are not simply impressions of the real world but rather are effectively created and impacted by historical and social settings. Hall analyzed what implies belief systems and power elements influence the creation and impression of social portrayals, stressing how these variables could uphold biases, disparities, and generalizations. He addressed unbending thoughts of recognizable proof and featured how characters are framed and alterable in his work on cultural identity. He maintained that cultural identities are created by continuous processes of negotiation and conflict, rather than being predetermined or necessary. Hall highlights through what medium historical, social, and political settings shape cultural identity and how it interacts with other identities, including racial, class, and gender identities.
Hall discussed the possibility of hybridism, which is the mixing and blending of numerous social practices and impacts. He saw that civilizations were continuously connecting and trading, as opposed to being firmly established or restricted. Hall focused that it is so basic to perceive the worldwide progressions of culture, as well as how different societies communicate and impact each other. He examined how power shapes society and culture. Hall inspected how domineering gatherings use organizations and social standards to save power and impact. He discussed the possibility of hegemony, which is the term used to portray how certain thoughts and social standards prevail in a given culture. Hall saw that culture may be a device for social change and opposition. He took a gander at how social developments and mistreated individuals undermine winning stories and belief systems through media, craftsmanship, and social practices. Hall underlined the meaning of social practices as fields of contention and the capacity of social activism to impact social change
Pashtunwali, which rules over numerous aspects of life, including relational connections, equity, accommodation, and honor, is engrained in Pashtun civilization. It is verbally gone down through the ages and goes about as an aide for both individual and gathering conduct. Pashtunwali gives hospitality (Melmastya) and the need to protect guest's honor and respect. This very tenant of Pashtunwali is maintained by the Afghan villagers of Sabray in the book Lone Survivor, who rescue the American Navy SEAL and give him food, protection, and shelter. This represents the ethical obligation to assist people who dearly need help and the significance of hospitality in local culture. Even though Stuart Hall's commitments to cultural studies overall have made him most popular, his perspectives and thoughts affect how literature is concentrated inside the setting of cultural studies. As a result, the goal of this study is to examine Pashtunwali from the perspective of cultural studies in Marcus Luttrell's Lone Survivor.
Significance of the Research
This research focuses on the concepts of Pashtunwali in Marcus Luttrell’s Lone Survivor. The book is a 2007 memoir of non-fiction by the American SEAL; it has been analyzed from different perspectives. From the perspective of war, terrorism, war on terror, etc. however, it is yet to be analyzed through the concept of Pashtunwali with reference to Stuart Hall’s cultural studies. Therefore, this research acts as a pioneering study of Pashtunwali through Stuart Hall’s cultural studies in Marcus Luttrell’s Lone Survivor. Moreover, this research also aims to understand the Pashtun people and their culture, which inhabited large parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan. This research also sheds light on how different societies have different sets of moral obligations. Furthermore, this study also provides assistance for any further research regarding Pashtunwali as a complete code of conduct to be studied and contextualized while understanding Pashtun people.
Literature Review
(Bordere & Mixon, 2020) in their research pondered over the question, did servant-leadership save the Lone Survivor? They debated why Marcus Luttrell was provided protection by the Pashtun people. The situation was perceived in terms of servant-leadership philosophy. The basis of the servant-leadership concept is that it is a leadership attitude whose primary focus is on serving others. Contrasting to the conventional hierarchical approach, the servant-leadership model puts the leader in a role of authority to help their followers, workers, or community.
This leadership idea was devised and reinforced by Robert K. Greenleaf in the 1970s. Essentially, servant-leadership indicates a shift in mindset, where leaders give priority to the welfare, progress, and flourishing of their followers. The servant-leader is attentive and compassionate toward the needs of his followers, “whose primary goal is to serve the needs and interests of others” (Bordere & Mixon, 2020). He does everything in his power to help them reach up to their abilities. This model values partnership, trust, and dedication toward a greater cause. They believe this to be a justification for why they saved the American SEAL.
Mian Shakeel Ahmed, Zain-ul-Wahab, and Zia-ur-Rehman (2017) review the portrayal of Pashtunwali in their composition, Pukhtunwali and Its Depiction in Pakistani Advertising. They investigate the use of social appearances in promoting and directing toward a specific social gathering. They look at eight shows from a painstakingly chosen TV promotion by means of a cell administration supplier like Mobilink, using visual and social evaluation as their technique. The exhibits act as of visual way of talking. After looking into it further, the review sees that the chosen television promotion addresses a few characteristics of Pukhtun culture, like Pukhtunwali (the Pukhtun moral code), Hujra (customary social occasion space), dance, regard, authority of seniors, and music. In any case, the delineation of Pukhtun ladies and their part in the promotion was seen as challenging.
Furthermore, the researchers have pointed out how some of the Western filmmakers are focusing on the concept of Pashtunwali. Some of the movie makers have suggested that "the American Army train the soldiers in tactical Pashtunwali so that they can engage the tribal society in Afghanistan” (183). The suggestion is very viable because to interact and understand the Pashtun people, the military must understand the full meaning, workings, and nuances of Pashtunwali.
Similarly, Barry L. Boyd (2015) in his research, Teaching Moral Theories Using Lone Survivor got into the moral theories regarding the book. He described two moral theories in his study.
Moral Dilemma 1
The SEAL team members encountered a challenging situation where they had to make a hard decision regarding three weaponless sheepherders. They experienced this happenstance during their exploration mission. One of the shepherds was a 14-year-old boy. From one perspective, the military and reasonable decision would have involved the killing of herders to protect the mission and their own lives. “But the Geneva Convention clearly states that unarmed civilians are to be spared” (189). Further adding to the complication of the situation, the crew knew that if they killed the herders, the Taliban would use their deaths to hold the American military liable for the crime and taint their image in public and media. There was also a persistent fear of the possible legal consequences or that they might end up behind bars upon their return to the United States; the fate which had formerly befallen their comrades. After a mutual agreement, Lt. Murphy made the ultimate decision to release the herders, sparing their lives.
Moral Dilemma 2
Another moral dilemma that has been overlooked by students is the Gulab's decision to refuse to hand over Luttrell to the Taliban even though he is faced with threats. This dilemma also presents ethics which is related to culture. In the book, Gulab's action can be investigated on the grounds of a particular moral theory. Gulab's assurance turns into a sign of an ethical hypothesis named "ideals morals." This ethical structure centers on the development and improvement of moral person qualities, like fortitude, genuineness, and dedication. Gulab's refusal should be visible as a clarification of his personality qualities and his unfaltering purpose to safeguard the injured fighter, even with the danger of an extraordinary gamble looming over his head, “Gulab refused to turn the American over to them, despite the Taliban’s threats to himself and the village” (190). By safeguarding his qualities and showing excellences like grit and dependability, Gulab turns into the epitomic embodiment of this idea.
Farooq Yousaf (2019) in his work Pakistan’s “Tribal” Pashtuns, Their “Violent” Representation, and the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement addresses the different factors of Pashtunwali. The keystone of Pashtunwali, stressing conflict-resolution, negotiation, and mediation within Pashtun communities, is the Jirga—a council of elders, also referred to as the ‘masharan.’ “The term Jirga refers to an indigenous dispute resolution and deliberation mechanism followed by the Pashtun tribes for centuries” (Yousaf 2019). This culture has been embraced by Pashtun tribes for centuries. It has not just that it has been ingrained in the very fabric of the culture, but also the political institution of Afghanistan has been greatly influenced by it. The Jirga is dominant in governing the lives of tribal Pashtuns, addressing a range of issues. From minor disputes and shared interests to important matters relating to foreign affairs and national politics, it is all discussed in the council of Jirga.
Farooq points to another factor of Pashtunwali which is Lashkars, formed by the Jirga. This committee is set up to maintain law and order, self-protection, and the execution of decisions commanded by the Jirga. The term "Lashkar," loosely translated as troops, is also synonymous with a raiding party or militia. Conventionally, a Lashkar is assembled for the interim to enforce a Jirga's verdict against a specific tribe or individual. Once its purpose is fulfilled, the Lashkar disbands effectively. The tribal Jirga presides over the leader of the Lashkar, known as the Mir. Despite its relationship with force, tribal Lashkars have considerably contributed to neutralizing militants in Pakistan's Pashtun tribal regions and maintaining their territories since 2002.
Pashtunwali is a theory of hospitality and peace, but it has still met disapproval and criticism for varied reasons. Topmost is the patriarchal and male-dominant disposition of Pashtun society in Pakistan, which marginalizes women, withholds their authority, and subjugates them. The downside of this mindset is that while women are suppressed, men are granted elevated and often unquestionable rights. The Pashtun tradition of Swara shows this inequality. To settle the dispute, the concept of Swara says that the women must be passed on as possessions to the aggrieved party. This leads to forced marriages. Frighteningly, there have been cases of families and tribes where underage girls have been given under the name of Swara to settle longstanding disputes. Gender rights violations in Pashtun culture are evident in honor killings, where women are killed because they have no right to choose for themselves and hence no means to protect themselves against the brutality and severe punishment of Jirgas.
Another analysis of the theory of Pashtunwali focuses on Badal, which is also known as revenge. This aspect addresses both the concept of revenge and reciprocity, portraying Pashtuns in a bad light and associating them with "violence." It is contended that during the Afghan Jihad of 2004 , Badal served as a driving force in stirring Pashtuns of Afghanistan to join the armed resistance against the Soviet Union, moving forward solely on the ambition of avenging the collateral damage perpetrated by the Soviet army.
Moreover, in the traditions of Melmastya (hospitality) and Panah (refuge), a subgroup of tribal Pashtuns has provided shelter to "guests" no matter their backgrounds – whether they were foreign groups or militants. This here, is the core subject matter of this research study – the hospitality of Pashtun people. Therefore, although there are a lot of positive practices, there are still certain standpoints that signal ongoing challenges in aligning Pashtun civilization with the modern world and universal human rights. This dual nature has led to false impressions about Pashtunwali for external observers, contributing to the propagation of generalized sweeping statements about tribal Pashtuns.
Figure 1
Research Methodology
This study is an exploration of Pashtunwali in Marcus Luttrell’s narrative of Lone Survivor with the lens of Stuart Hall’s cultural studies. The examination and discussion dive into the concepts of Pashtunwali in the light of Marcus’ autobiography. This research is based on text-based discussion to explore and investigate the said ideas. It is a qualitative research. For primary text, Marcus Luttrell’s Lone Survivor is examined, while for secondary sources internet, articles, and library sources are utilized. However, for a deeper understanding online web, books, writer interviews, and different debates are cited. The idea of Pashtunwali or Pashtun code of conduct is discussed and analyzed within the context of Marcus Lone Survivor. For this purpose, Stuart Hall’s cultural studies apply to the autobiography of Marcus Luttrell's Lone Survivor.
Stuart Hall's cultural studies give a significant system for figuring out the connection between Pashtunwali and more extensive cultural elements. Cultural studies, as evolved by Hall and different researchers, underline how culture is shaped and molded by historical, social, and political settings. It investigates how cultural practices, portrayals, and talks are created, flowed, and deciphered inside unambiguous social orders. On account of Pashtunwali, a conventional moral code and cultural character rehearsed among the Pashtun public, hence Hall's cultural studies approach can reveal insight into a few viewpoints.
Cultural studies inspect how power works inside social orders and the way things are haggled through cultural practices and portrayals. It can assist with dissecting how Pashtunwali is depicted in different settings, like media, writing, or mainstream society, and how these portrayals shape the view of Pashtun values and identity. Cultural studies perceive that personalities are not fixed or fundamental yet are developed through continuous cycles of discussion and battle. It can investigate how Pashtunwali adds to the development of Pashtun cultural character and how it converges with other social, ethnic, and strict personalities inside the Pashtun people group and about other cultural gatherings. Cultural studies likewise address the effect of globalization and cultural streams on local traditions and practices. It can look at what Pashtunwali has been meant for by outer powers, like expansionism, modernization, transnational collaborations, and colonialism, and how it adjusts and develops because of these elements. Cultural studies underline the significance of concentrating on cultural peculiarities in their particular social, authentic, and political settings. It can give a structure to breaking down how Pashtunwali is molded by provincial elements, verifiable occasions, political frameworks, and social designs, and what it means for individual and aggregate ways of behaving.
Analysis
“He (Gulab Khan) was doing it not for personal gain but out of a sense of honor that reached back down the generations, two thousand years of Pashtunwalai tradition: You will defend your guest to the death. I watched Gulab carefully as he rammed a new magazine into his AK. This was a man preparing to step right up to the plate. And I saw that light of goodness in his dark eyes, the way you always do when someone is making a brave and selfless action.” (Luttrell, 192)
Marcus Luttrell was astonished by the concept of Pashtunwali. One of the basic tenets of which is lokhay warkawal (Asylum) also known as Panah (in Pakistan's Pashtuns). He has a prejudice against these Pashtun people. According to him, these were the most lawless and immoral people alive on earth, who wanted only Americans dead. However, this perception is going away with the passage of his stay in that Afghan village, Sabray. He later admitted that he was still not aware of the concept of Lokhy Warkawal (Asylum) and that how powerful it is going to be proved.
Ghulam Qadir Khan Daur in his book Cheegha, the Call (2014), explains the concept of Panah. “Panah is when someone under duress asks for asylum, especially when under hot pursuit” (Daur 2014). It is an immovable rule that no family ought to at any point deny Panah to somebody out of luck. In the occasion a family is reluctant to give Panah any explanation, they will transparently speak with the searcher, ask about their favored objective, and guarantee a solid excursion to that area, protecting them from possible mischief. Nonetheless, it ought to be noticed that the wannabe has the option to decline the offered Panah, and if they decide not to leave, the family is left with no other option except to broaden their assurance. While under Panah, the seeker is committed to complying with the principles set by the family. Panah outweighs any remaining contemplations. In a situation where a person with forthcoming retribution (Badal) looks for Panah, the quest for retribution (badal) will be required to be postponed, and Panah will be conceded. The course of retribution (badal) will remain deferred until the apparent enemy is securely under the insurance of the family offering Panah.
Pashtunwali in Lone Survivor
Marcus Luttrell, at first uninformed about the idea of Pashtunwali, ended up in a circumstance where he understood that the Pashtun tribesmen he experienced had only good intentions. Notwithstanding his past biases about the wilderness and aggression of the Pashtun public, he found the significant obligations related to the Pashtunwali guideline of lokhay warkawal, otherwise called Panah.
“And yet there was something I did not know. We’re talking lokhay warkawal — an unbending section of historic Pashtunwalai tribal law as laid out in the hospitality section. The literal translation of lokhay warkawal is “giving of a pot.” (Marcus 162).
In the crucial points in time when Sarawa and his companions thought on whether to take him in, Luttrell came to comprehend the significant ramifications of lokhay warkawal, which means the "giving of a pot" from an exacting perspective. The Pashtun tribesmen were not simply choosing to offer him shelter, refuge, and food; they were committing to a rugged promise to shield him. This responsibility stretched out past the individual or family who genuinely committed the underlying responsibility - it incorporated the whole town. Marcus didn't understand at first how much weight and obligation this choice would convey for the locals of Sabray “The decision Sarawa and his friends were making carried huge responsibilities and, possibly, momentous consequences” (Marcus 162).
The idea of lokhay warkawal implied that the town, limited by honor, would battle including every person to safeguard Luttrell, even notwithstanding the likely risk from the Taliban. In spite of his underlying disarray and question, Luttrell understood that the Pashtun tribesmen had chosen to concede him lokhay, and they were ready to protect him against the Taliban until the last individual was alive. To be sure, this is the critical second. This is the point at which the genuine meaning of the old lokhay warkawal becomes possibly the most important factor. It happens now, as Marcus lies on the ground, shockingly injured, while the tribesmen are intentionally on his fate.
As Luttrell wrestled with inquiries regarding the reason why these Pashtun tribesmen were helping him, he steadily perceived the fundamental human goodness of the senior individuals from the clan. Their obligation to lokhay warkawal went past social or strict contrasts; it was a show of their intrinsic goodness and devotion to the old laws of the Pashtuns. Lokhay connotes that the whole town populace is focused on battling tenaciously, maintaining a compelled by a solemn obligation to protect the singular they've invited to share their cordiality. This doesn't involve easygoing conversation during testing times; it's not exposed to renegotiation. It is an unequivocal and non-debatable responsibility.
“Lokhay means not only providing care and shelter; it means an unbreakable commitment to defend that wounded man to the death” (Marcus 163).
As he lies there, pondering the likelihood that these merciless people would leave him to his destiny, they were, as a general rule, thinking a question of a lot more noteworthy outcome, one of death and life. However, “the lives they were concerned with had nothing to do with mine. This was Lokhay, boy, spelled with a big L. No bullshit” (Marcus 163). However, Marcus stayed bewildered and needed total confidence in them. He held a grenade in one hand, from which he extricated the transport safety, he was prepared to safeguard himself on the off chance that they expected him hurt or gave him over to the Taliban; he was ready to face any danger. Furthermore, he was unable to understand the reason why Sarawa, a native Pashtun nurse, was broadening help. Sarawa was the underlying person who came to his guide, and Marcus wound up confused by this startling help. “I was confused. Why was Sarawa helping me?” (Marcus 165). Finally, he comprehends that these cordial Pashtuns have allowed him lokhay. They will currently protect him till their final gasp, regardless of what happens they won't hand him over to the Taliban. “They were committed to defend me against the Taliban until there was no one left alive” (Marcus 164).
However, according to Marcus, he was still confused because he was unable to communicate with them. These Pashtun people were not able to speak English which is the language of Marcus and he was not able to speak their local language Pashto. He admitted that despite of not knowing what they are doing to him or what they have decided about his fate, he has to trust them because he has no other way to go. The only way he has is to trust these unfamiliar Pashtuns. Indeed, this is the only way that he could be alive in those killers' mountains of Hindu Kush. "I had no choice but to trust them; it was my only shot at survival" Marcus 170). Moreover, with time he also came to know that the only reason that these Pashtuns are helping him is the concept of lokhay. From elder of the village to a child, from man to woman, from powerful to weak, everyone was helping him. "Even the village elder was plainly on my side. That's nothing to do with my charm, by the way. That's strictly lokhay” (173)
Notwithstanding a few starting false impressions and concerns, Luttrell turned out to be progressively mindful of the force of lokhay. The Pashtun tribesmen shielded him as well as shown their enduring help against outside dangers. The idea of lokhay was not only a cultural standard; it was a power that rose above tribal limits and challenged the impact of Al Qaeda and the Taliban. According to Marcus, there is an inherent resilience in all of them, a steadfast commitment to adhere to the age-old principles of the Pashtuns—principles that might even surpass the strength of the Taliban and al Qaeda.
On the other hand, Marcus was thinking that while helping him these Pashtun people are looking for a reward from his side. However, to his surprise, he was totally wrong. The person who was village elder son Gulab Khan put not only his life in danger but his whole family's life. He did everything he could to save Marcus's life and when Marcus offered him his watch because he had nothing more to offer, Gulab refused it immediately. "I offered to give him my watch in return for his unending decency to me…. but he always refused to accept it" (p.182).
In the last minutes, Taliban pioneer Sharmak conveyed a message to Gulab Khan, unequivocally expressing that either Marcus should be given and given completely to them or his whole family or town would confront lethal outcomes. “Either you hand over the American — or every member of your family will be killed.” (198). Despite the grave threat, Gulab Khan remained steadfast in his refusal to hand over Marcus. “Gulab made his familiar dismissive gesture.” (198). The complexities of Pashtunwali might be trying for Marcus to get a handle on, yet the steady guideline is clear — regardless of the conditions, they won't give up him as long as the locals are alive.
All through his visit to the town, Luttrell saw the Pashtun tribesmen's obligation to lokhay, their disobedience against outside dangers, and their preparation to protect him. The idea of lokhay warkawal arose as a strong and resolute power that directed their activities, rising above private interests for honor and custom.
Stuart Hall’s Cultural Studies and Pashtunwali
Breaking down Marcus Luttrell's insight from the perspective of Stuart Hall's cultural theory gives an inside-and-out investigation of how importance and character are molded inside a cultural system. Stuart Hall, a noticeable cultural scholar, highlights the effect of language, portrayal, and the encoding/decoding process on cultural implications. In particular, applying this theory to lokhay warkawal uncovers huge experiences.
In the mind-boggling embroidery of Pashtun ancestral society, the significant responsibility showed by Pashtun tribesmen in giving a safe house and shielding Marcus Luttrell inside the system of lokhay warkawal divulges a complicated exchange of cultural qualities and standards well-established locally. The idea of encoding, as expressed by anthropologist Stuart Hall, offers a focal point through which we can fathom the complexities of such social practices. As per Hall, social practices act as vessels that convey implanted shared implications and values, and on account of lokhay warkawal, this is especially obvious. The choice to expand lokhay, or safe haven, to Luttrell rises above simple hospitality; it turns into a representative demonstration complicatedly attached to the conservation of Pashtun honor. Inside the encoded texture of their customs, offering shelter to an outsider becomes a sign of hospitality and a demonstration of the Pashtun obligation to protect honor and dependability, sustaining an inheritance that rises above age. Fundamentally, lokhay warkawal turns into a living exemplification of the social ethos that ties Pashtun clans, mirroring the significant importance they trait to the honorable conservation and the resolute feeling of obligation towards visitors in their society.
Marcus Luttrell's underlying battle to get a grasp on the activities of the Pashtun tribesmen can be enlightened through Stuart Hall's decoding idea. Belonging to Western society, Luttrell confronted the test of deciphering Pashtun social practices from the perspective of his assumptions. Hall's hypothesis recommends that decoding includes deciphering social images inside one's social structure and for Luttrell's situation, this prompted introductory disarray and doubt. The subtleties of Pashtun customs, established in exceptionally old qualities, may have been dependent upon distortion, underscoring the intrinsic troubles in connecting social and cultural gaps. Luttrell's process features the significance of social responsiveness and receptiveness in exploring the intricacies of diverse experiences, at last highlighting the extraordinary idea of the decoding system as he dug further into figuring out the rich embroidery of Pashtun honor and hospitality.
"The encoding-decoding model of communication was first developed by Stuart Hall, a cultural studies scholar, in 1973. He explained the model in his essay Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse, offering a theoretical approach to the way media messages are produced, circulated, interpreted and reproduced” (Simon 90).
The unique collaboration unfurling between Marcus Luttrell and the Pashtun tribesmen fills in as a convincing representation of the discussion of importance and character, an idea recognized by Stuart Hall as key to the comprehension of diverse experiences. Hall states that social implications are innately dependent upon exchange and contestation, and this becomes apparent in Luttrell's developing relationship with the Pashtun people group. As Luttrell wrestles with understanding the meaning of lokhay warkawal, the safe haven proposed to him by the tribesmen, a significant discussion process happens. At first, Luttrell, impacted by his Western foundation, may decipher their activities from a perspective molded by his social assumptions. Be that as it may, as the cooperation unfurls and correspondence extends, there is a discernible change in the significance of their activities. This discussion interaction includes a common trade of viewpoints, a connecting of social holes, and a developing grasping of the two sides. Eventually, the change in Luttrell's comprehension of lokhay warkawal reflects not just a change in that frame of mind of the Pashtun tribesmen's activities but additionally, a common exchange of social implications and personalities, highlighting the powerful idea of diverse experiences.
Hall's hypothesis stresses the work of influence in forming social portrayals. In lokhay warkawal, Pashtun tribesmen use the ability to develop the importance of their social work by, challenging cliché portrayals and declaring sovereignty in characterizing their qualities inside their local area.
there exists a pattern of 'preferred readings', and these both have the institutional/political/ideological order imprinted in them and have themselves become institutionalized’ (Hall 134).
Besides, Stuart Hall's social hypothesis investigates the exchange of significance as well as dives into the complex development of social personality, a peculiarity exemplified in the Pashtun tribesmen's steady obligation to lokhay warkawal as an exemplification of their social character well established in exceptionally old practices. The exchange of personality becomes tangible in the account as Marcus Luttrell wrestles with the decoding of social practices inside the bounds of his social system. Hall's wise ideas stretch out to the assessment of social authority inside the setting of lokhay warkawal. Here, the Pashtun tribesmen's unflinching adherence to offering sanctuary should be visible as a type of opposition against outer tensions, most eminently the inescapable impact of the Taliban. In this nuanced viewpoint, the obligation to lokhay warkawal turns into a demonstration of challenging prevailing social belief systems and declaring independence, subsequently supporting the meaning of the social way of life as a powerful power that shapes individual ways of behaving as well as fills in as an aggregate opposition against outside powers that look to force elective social standards.
The meaning of shared social codes in the development of significance is highlighted, especially from the perspective of lokhay warkawal, what capabilities as an open language through which the Pashtun clans articulate and build up their fundamental beliefs, eventually encouraging a significant feeling of the local area community. Inside the complex texture of Pashtun culture, lokhay warkawal rises above its reasonable capability of giving sanctuary; it turns into a representative medium that conveys a common arrangement of values, standards, and an aggregate character that ties the local area together. Moreover, the idea of discursive strategies comes to the front while looking at the Pashtun tribesmen's choice to stretch out lokhay to Marcus Luttrell. This choice isn't just an unconstrained demonstration of friendliness but a determined move, decisively utilized to challenge and resist negative generalizations that might encompass their social practices. By offering shelter to Luttrell, they take part in a discursive move, stating their story and effectively partaking in reshaping the talk around their practices. In doing so, the Pashtun tribesmen recover organization over their social portrayal, featuring the powerful job of discursive strategies in affecting discernments and challenging prevailing accounts that might sustain misguided judgments about their lifestyle.
Hall's insightful hypothesis of social hybridity fills in as a strong focal point through which we can look at the unfurling elements between Marcus Luttrell and the Pashtun tribesmen, uncovering a continuous combination of social viewpoints that finishes in common comprehension and regard. The possibility of social hybridity, as explained by Hall, focuses on the blending and intermixing of various social parts, transcending unbendable cutoff points, and working with a nuanced exchange. With regards to Luttrell and the Pashtun clans, this hypothesis appears in the developing comprehension between them, as social boundaries are step by step, and a common social language arises. This course of social hybridity goes past a simple trade of practices; it connotes a more profound change in the manner the two players see and draw in with one another's social standards.
Stuart Hall's social hypothesis gives a thorough and enlightening structure for analyzing the complexities of lokhay warkawal. By integrating social hybridity into the examination, we gain bits of knowledge into the diverse ideas of the collaborations, seeing how implications are arranged, social personalities are built, and an intricate interchange of portrayals and protections unfurls inside the Pashtun social setting. The hypothesis enhances how we might interpret the versatile and groundbreaking nature of culture, exhibiting how people from various foundations can participate in a unique course of social trade, prompting a mutual perspective that rises above beginning contrasts. Fundamentally, Hall's social hypothesis turns into an important device for translating the layers of significance implanted in the act of lokhay warkawal, offering a nuanced point of view on the mind-boggling dance of societies in this diverse experience.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Marcus's story is filled with difficulties, especially during his “Operation Redwing”, and also sheds light on the cultural code of the Pashtun people known as Pashtunwali. The book narrates the story on the background of Pashtun's moral code. It is a fascinating story, especially after the true events in the village of Sabray. This study unveils many new dimensions, especially after applying Stuart Hall’s cultural studies. Thus, it emphasizes considering and understanding cultural norms, settings, and images of a society, while understanding the Pashtun lives and way of living through Marcus’s narrative. Hall’s cultural study reveals how cultural standards and practices are important. It can impact the whole standard and values of life, choices, and activities of people living in that domain of culture, as shown in this book. Through cultural studies, the representations of Pashtunwali reemployed that how cultural practices can be so significant in shaping and conducting human behavior.
Pashtunwali is a combination of both Islamic teachings and cultural customs. It is a significant and most important core value which controls both individual and communal life in Pashtun tribes. The Pashtun code of conduct or Pashtunwali is transmitted from many generations to the present times orally. It consists of hospitality, honor, and equity that are followed down through the ages. These practices come to life in the event of Marcus Luttrell's stay in a Pashtun village Sabray. It highlights how these values are merged with Pashtun culture and practices. The rules of Pashtunwali apply when the villagers of Sabray welcome the lone survivor, and give him food, security, and harbour. These actions of the villagers especially Gulab Khan display how Pashtunwali is not a thing of the past but rather it is still alive and kicking in the present Pashtun's blood, even in the most challenging times. Saving Marcus Luttrell confirms that how important these rules are to these Pashtun people. It is not only a code of conduct but also a code of action, and a way of life. During these difficult times, these Pashtun people preserve and maintain their ages-old identity and cultural values.
At last, this research also analyzed that the Pashtun people or Pashtun community must not only be limited to certain known prejudices. These people are mostly considered barbaric, uncivilized, and bloodthirsty society. Recent horrible things that are related to Pashtuns are terrorism, the war on terror (WOT), bomb blasts, and the Taliban. In certain instances, all of these liabilities may be present in Pashtuns just like any other society. However, it does not represent their true identity. Unfortunately, their representation is always done by their opposition parties in the form of British colonialists in the 18th and 19th centuries, later the USSR, and after 9/11 the US and the whole Western world. In all this mishap the true culture and moral values of Pashtuns are lost, which are based on peace, love, music, and collective society. The question is if these people are naturally violent then who is responsible for it? Before the USSR war, these people were considered the most peace-loving nations in South Asia.
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- Bordere, X. J., & Mixon, F. G., Jr. (2020). Did Servant-Leadership Save the Lone Survivor? The <em>Pashtunwali</em> Ethos as a Foundation for the Practice of Servant-Leadership. ˜the œInternational Journal of Servant-leadership, 14(1), 359–380. https://doi.org/10.33972/ijsl.34
- Ahmed, M. S., Wahab, Z., & Rehman, Z. (2017). Pukhtunwali and its Depiction in Pakistani Advertising. FWU Journal of Social Sciences, 11(2), 181-190.
- Boyd, B. L. (2015). Teaching moral theories using lone survivor. Journal of Leadership Education, 14(1), 188–192. https://doi.org/10.12806/v14/i1/a1
- Yousaf, F. (2019). Pakistan’s “Tribal” Pashtuns, their “Violent” representation, and the Pashtun Tahafuz movement. SAGE Open, 9(1), 215824401982954. https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244019829546
- Luttrell, M., & Robinson, P. (2014). Lone Survivor: The Incredible True Story of Navy SEALs Under Siege.
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Luttrell, M., & Robinson, P. (2014). Lone Survivor: The Incredible True Story of Navy SEALs Under Siege.
- Daur, G. Q. K., & Daur, K. D. K. (2014b). CHEEGHA - The Call from Waziristan, the Last Outpost. L’Aleph.
- During, S. (2004). Cultural studies: A critical introduction. Routledge.
- Hall, S. W. (1980). Encoding/decoding. In S. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, & P. Willis (Eds.), Culture, media, language: Working papers in cultural studies (pp. 63-87). London: Hutchinson.
Cite this article
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APA : Ali, S., Khalil, A., & Awais, U. (2024). Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell. Global Regional Review, IX(I), 142-153. https://doi.org/10.31703/grr.2024(IX-I).12
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CHICAGO : Ali, Salman, Atiqa Khalil, and Ummer Awais. 2024. "Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell." Global Regional Review, IX (I): 142-153 doi: 10.31703/grr.2024(IX-I).12
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HARVARD : ALI, S., KHALIL, A. & AWAIS, U. 2024. Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell. Global Regional Review, IX, 142-153.
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MHRA : Ali, Salman, Atiqa Khalil, and Ummer Awais. 2024. "Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell." Global Regional Review, IX: 142-153
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MLA : Ali, Salman, Atiqa Khalil, and Ummer Awais. "Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell." Global Regional Review, IX.I (2024): 142-153 Print.
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OXFORD : Ali, Salman, Khalil, Atiqa, and Awais, Ummer (2024), "Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell", Global Regional Review, IX (I), 142-153
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TURABIAN : Ali, Salman, Atiqa Khalil, and Ummer Awais. "Pashtunwali: An Afghan Ethical Code and Cultural Identity in Lone Survivor by Marcus Luttrell." Global Regional Review IX, no. I (2024): 142-153. https://doi.org/10.31703/grr.2024(IX-I).12